By Carla Isbell

(Click here for part one)

In the yearly book that was produced by the school, which featured some advertising, we find more confirmation of the expected role of the sexes. Westminster Bank and Barclays Bank both aim their job prospects at male applicants, when, later on, Westminster Bank added opportunities for women, they felt fit to say:

Women who leave after a few years to be married receive a substantial marriage gratuity.

School uniforms were advertised by the Store 'Stones of Romford', with the prominent figure of a well dressed confident boy; the girls are represented by a matchstick insignificant figure in the distance.

Mr. Armstrong, headmaster of the school, was concerned about girls leaving school with few qualifications, and by the small number of girls staying on in the sixth form. His concern was reported in a newspaper article of the time:

A Headmaster warned against girls who abandon their intellectual training for marriage.

But he went on saying:

We must recognise that marriage is a very important part of a girl's life and that marriage age is getting younger. But an educated mother can be a great boon to a family and to society in general.

This to me sums up many of the arguments on education and feminism. What could be clearer than this speech! A girl does not need to study for work, for herself and a better position in life, she must study to produce better educated children, the future workforce, which will in turn benefit society. Mr. Armstrong can be forgiven for making such statement as he was most probably influenced by the educational policies which endorsed this ideology of separate destiny for boys and girls. As Delamont (1980) points out marriage was considered in the Newson Report in 1963, to be a girls most important vocational concern.

Of course it is also true that if one talks to teenagers about their future plans, marriage will most probably come into it. As Sara Delamont puts it, the rosy glow of romance seems to blind girls. But it is also true to say that if the reality of what is available to girls in the labour market is low-paid jobs, routine, unskilled work, with no career structure, little chance for training, then it is no wonder that girls shall seek financial security in marriage. The reality in the '80s, was that one couple in three was divorced, and many women were left without adequate financial support and had to compete for the low-paid, insecure jobs reserved for women in the labour market.

From essays we are given an idea of what girls want to do when they leave school. None of the girls, although valuing education very much, expressed their wish to continue their education. Several of them, however, were going or planning to go to evening classes, mostly in typing and shorthand. Margaret Cole was pleased to be offered the opportunity to stay on an extra year, many remarked on the lack of a library and when one was finally built, Barbara Tripp commented:

They have just built a library and many of us consider this is about time too!

Jean Munday writes:

Then come winter and people complain there is nowhere to go. Nonsense! What's wrong with evening classes.

In talking about work their aspirations take them not further than London, for many to work in Romford is enough:

When I leave school I would like to work in Romford
- Carol Barwick.

I would like to have my job in London in a Bank or in an office
- Anne Finch.

When I leave school I am going to work in the heart of London, High Holborn, as shorthand typist or clerk in a big office
- Irene Dodd.

None of them had mentioned marriage, but the dear lack of aspirations to a working career is evident. Jan Harding considers that:

Male and female sex roles, very clearly defined in working-class cultures, found reinforcement in secondary modern schools. The ideology of home-maker, wife and mother role is likely to predominate for girls and lead to lower academic aspirations.
- (Deem, 1980)

However, even when girls have a desire to continue their studies, the family, especially if poor, intervenes, restraining such aspirations, in favour of early earnings. Stanworth (1981) believes this to be more in the case of girls than boys:

But it may well be the case that, where families are hard-pressed financially, an extended education for daughters will be sacrificed to provide for sons; this may be part of the reason why capable working-class girls have tended to leave grammar schools earlier than their males counterparts.

Reta Coffin, who as a child had no books in her home but the Bible and a book she won in the 'German Prize', was a bright child and won a scholarship at a grammar school. Rita had very little encouragement from her mother, who did not allow her to go to the school of her choice, but thought the nearest was good enough for her:

I cannot afford to have you trampling all over London after school, you go to the nearest!

When Reta took herself to evening classes, her father thought she was wasting her time.

Reta was the only one of the family of nine children to go to grammar school. At sixteen she had to leave school to help support the family:

When I was sixteen a job was found for me. I came home from school so outraged that I had to leave.

I really thought that my mother would say, well all right we'll try our best to get a grant for you and let you stay on, but when I came home and I knew that she meant that was final, I cried buckets.

The school curriculum at Reta's grammar school offered the brighter children science, a language, maths, English and either history or geography; the less able took, instead of the more academic subjects, cookery and needlework.

The expectation embedded in the school system, the family and society, that women, after marriage and motherhood, will remain outside the labour market, does not hold water, although 'women's participation in the labour market is closely affected by their family responsibilities there has been, as documented in several studies, a 'dramatic rise in married women's participation rate' in the labour market in post-war Britain, and a steady increase in part-time employment (Beechey, 1987). Surveys become outdated very quickly, however, as employment rises and falls and the type of industries undergo change.

The rise of the service industry and part-time work is making of women a more substantial work force; however, jobs created are poorly paid in large super-stores or offices. As the sexual division of labour in the family is considered 'the norm' and in virtue of this a woman's work is located primarily in the family, employers have at their disposal a workforce that can easily and invisibly slip in and out of the labour market, mostly in part-time employment, to suit family commitments and the economy. Part-time or temporary work, of which women are the major contributors, is low paid, can be more easily terminated and married women who do not pay full stamps, if made redundant, do not appear in unemployment statistics but slip back unnoticed in the family. (Beechey, 1987)

According to the responses to the questionnaire, the women worked as derks in offices, banks. Post Offices, as tailors, skirt machinists, embroiderers, dressmakers, shop assistants, in catering and in farm work. The majority of women returned to work after marriage, most of them in similar type work, except one who became a teacher and one who became a Personal Assistant to the Company Director. I do not know how much of this was part-time work or the pattern of employment. Reta did not go to work while her children were young as much as I would've liked, but returned to work later on as a part-time school secretary, and then in Youth Employment

Working with children gave her an interest in education which lead eventually to Reta sitting on many school governing bodies. Reta was elected Labour Councillor and sat on the Havering Council for 18 years. In 1974 she became Mayor:

It has given me great joy, it took me into many schools in the Borough.

Reta had dreamt of being a school teacher, since she was a child and although this was not to be, she became involved in education in other ways.

Edie returned to work while her children were very young, as her mother helped to look after the children. Edie who had been employed in clerical work and had improved her secretarial skills at evening classes, on returning to work after marriage, found employment in a shop as a 'hat packer'. When Edie moved to Harold Hill, however, without her mother's support, she had to give up work.

May started work at 14 as a machinist in a clothes factory:

To make ladies 'coats, and I had an accident and I didn't like it. I used to go home crying to my mum every night. I did not like it. My mum thought it was a trade and you could have earned a living at it, but I didn't like it, anyway I had an accident there and they didn't treat me very good, so my mum said 'You won't go no more'. She took me out to find another job.

May worked at a chemical company making pills until she left at 18, after the death of her mother to look after the house, her dad and three brothers. She did not return to work until she moved to Harold Hill, in order to help to pay the higher rent:

I worked at Harold Wood Hospital (as a kitchen help) for six years, then I thought 1 was going to have a lady's life, but my husband was made redundant so I found another job and I worked at Lee Coopers (the jeans factory) I worked there for 14 years.

May's formal education ended at 14, she never returned to it or attended any adult education classes. May used her skills as homemaker, washing-up, cleaning, sewing, cooking, to supplement the family's income in time of hardship. Although she had been unhappy when she had to leave work at 18, May accepted her position in the family and did not question the reasons why it was she who was expected to stay at home and not one of her brothers, if at all necessary.

Informal Education and Leisure

The residents of Harold Hill had been given well-planned houses, but very little else was available for them on the estate. Groceries were brought in by sellers, until eventually a few corner shops opened and then the main shopping centre. There was plenty of open ground and fields, for walking. Some of the girls in their essays mentioned the beautiful surroundings, the wide open spaces, the cows rubbing themselves against the trees just outside their house; for some walking became a pleasant pastime. One of the first amenities to be opened up were public houses and nearly opposite the public house, or at least not too far from it, a church was built.

The girls seemed to resent the male dominated world of the public houses. Several complained that:

There are far too many public houses, in their place a club could be built, and one more police station
- Celia Mandy.

The churches provided dubs for young people and many girls attended them, but there were 'strings attached', like attending church services or even trying to make people change their religious beliefs as a girl found out:

There are also church clubs, but these too have certain rules to them, for instance when a friend and I belonged to one, we either had to go to church on Sundays or leave the club, we also had a quarter of an hour's devotion at the end of club, you might think, this is fairly reasonable, I suppose it is really, but I am of a different faith from this church and so I could not attend their church services on Sundays. This also happened when we had to stay for devotion and there was some disagreement about it. The woman who runs the club tried to make me change my religion, so I left
- Janet Spillane.

Some of the constraints to leisure activities were material ones: there were no cinemas or skating rinks, no libraries or swimming pools. Children could not afford the fare to Romford or the entrance fee to dubs:

we want to go to a dance we spend all our pocket money on fares. There are no decent halls in Harold Hill for me to go dancing
- Lillian Morbin.

But many of the barriers were normative ones. Men take up more space in the family and in the world outside, to the exclusion of women. We have an example of this in Reta's interview when she talks about her father:

He was a socialiser, he loved to be out and about with friends. So my mother was excluded, Because she was very busy with the family, she only now and again rose and grumbled, when she real felt that things got too much, but she really (pause) accepted it. Looking back I realise how gentle she was with acceptance, not Questioning; we were not allowed to question anything. What my father said was law, because your father said it, that was it.

So the looking after the family and the home is the woman's job; man is free to go out and meet friends without feeling any obligation towards the family, unlike women, who often feel a sense of guilt in leaving the family behind. The mother accepts the situation as her role in life and perpetuates it in the different way she perceives a male child:

My brothers were tin gods, especially my older brother. After my father died my mother went to him for guidance, in lots of things. I could never understand why -he is your brother! Now, he is eifht years younger than me!

Women's Insure has often to fit in with the family, with what other members do, their leisure, their needs and demands. Moreover women's unpaid housework does not have a dearly defined beginning or end. It is difficult to say where work ends and leisure starts, knitting or ironing may be undertaken while watching TV, and what can be considered leisure could also be considered work. The girls often dted, in their writing, indoor activities for their hobbies, like knitting, watching television, reading, cooking in evening classes creating a pattern which will remain with them in their older life. According to Rosemary Deem, women are likely to have 'at-home' leisure as it is:

Cheaper, easier and requires no travel or transport, at home activities or interests can be more easily adjusted than out of home ones to fit the requirement of domestic obligations and child care.

Another constraint which women have imposed upon them is the control that husbands and boyfriends exercise on where 'their' women go, and through the fear generated in women by collective male control over female sexuality (sexual harassment, rape and assault of women in public and private places) (Deem, 1986). The girls describe in their essays the boys who hang around street comers, behaving roughly, breaking windows, spoiling for everyone else: Boys go around in gangs and make trouble. Maureen Smith disliked the estate immensely:

Why I do not know. I dislike the boys around here for when night-fall comes they hang around shop- windows, on comers making rude remarks to or about passer-by.

and goes on saying that:

They moan about the lack of things to do. Life is what you make it and I have no time for people who say 'I don't know what to do with myself or 'Where can I go?'

It is a fact that while men are more likely to belong to sports, social or drinking dubs, women are the greater members of community and voluntary organisations (Deem, 1986). Several of the girls gave their time on Sunday afternoon to teach religion to younger children. So while we can read in the local newspaper of the time an article on the 'Men's Sport and Social Club' holding a 'Gala' day and evening dance, we find that mothers boost school's funds at the school's fete:

Pupils of Harold Hill Grammar School are proud of their mothers whose work during the winter months boosted the school funds by £300.

The male-dominated culture of the local public house has constantly excluded women. Even in recent times in a Gallup poll published on 11.6.90, only three women in five say they can walk into a bar unescorted without attracting unwanted attention, and despite the more relaxed attitudes nationally, as many as one in eight women in Yorkshire and Lancashire believe that any woman who walks into a bar without a male companion is 'asking for trouble'. Men on the estate had plenty of pubs, a boxing dub, and as soon as halls became available some sports clubs for football and even archery were started.

Gardening was a new interest for many residents, as in London they had shared accommodation and did not have a garden of their own. Some found it 'a bit of a nuisance' considering die extra work involved. Nevertheless, as early as 1948, several residents entered a competition for the best garden' and became members of the just formed Harold Hill Estate Horticultural Society. At the award ceremony the Mayor praised the industrious gardeners for their achievements, and a 'handsome' cup was presented by the L.C.C. Behind the drive for organising the competition there was the belief that 'good gardeners make good neighbours and tenants, and the L.C.C. desire that the estate should look as pleasing as possible. Mr H T Wortley, local representative of the Housing Management Division of the L.C.C, in his speech at the competition said:

I don't think that only a man himself or his wife takes pride in a garden. If you have a very mod garden in a street it is not only the man who owns it that is proud, but his neighbours, and one garden leads to some very good gardens around it
- Romford Recorder, 27.8.1948.

It seems it was a policy of the L.C.C. to promote good gardening in order to foster a sense of pride in the properties by the tenants. In that year there had been 66 spring and 69 summer competitions organized by the L.C.C. as the Council was very keen that there should be a Rood community spirit on all the estates and that could be brought about by a large extent by the formation of a local horticultural society (Romford Recorder, 1948). However, it was mostly men who seemed to be involved in this society as the speech reported above implies and by comments made in the girls' writing.

What did women do to combat the isolation they felt at arriving on the estate and the lack Of amenities available to them? It is possible to gather from the interviews that women befriended each other, organised street parties, social dances, trips to shows and women's dubs. Many women felt isolated when they first arrived in Harold Hill. Some had previously lived with their families or near them. Most of them in spite of living in overcrowded houses, felt they had the companionship and support of the family there. To come to live in Harold Hill, which was then considered to be out in the country, was like being uprooted. Isolation was deeply felt by the women, as a girl explains:

My mother is the most dissatisfied because she has not many friends and she misses our relations.
My father doesn t have time to get bored with Harold Hill because he is out at work all day except Saturday and Sunday
- Ann Baker.

This is echoed by Carol Singfield:

My mother doesn't like Harold Hill. She much prefers it in London. I expect she is just lonely for herold neighbours. She got so lonely in the day that she started work and hates staying at home by herself.

Another girl mentions how much she misses her relatives and the joy of seeing them the few times that her family could afford the journey to London:

My mother sometimes says that she is fed up and is going back to London
- Pauline Richards.

However, some welcomed the privacy that having their own front door could afford them:

We have many new neighbours who are friendly and not so quarrelsome as the ones in London We have our privacy which we did not have in London where everyone thought eoeryone else's home was their second home and walked in and out whenever they pleased
- Carol Barwick.


Reta felt lost when she first arrived in Harold Hill:

It was a new world, one didn't know one's neighbours, people looked at each other suspiciously, I thought. They thought who's there and doors shut. You see everybody is behind their own front door, many for the first time where they'd shared houses, to me it was a new experience.

This dosing of doors and of being aware of other people, was not experienced by several of the girls or by the other two women interviewed. In fact they remarked on the friendliness and neighbourlinless of the tenants. May remembers the lady next door being very, very nice, she couldn't do enough to sort of make me welcome. We never had a cross word.

Churches organised not only young people's dubs, but also some sort of social activities aimed at women. One of these was the Mothers' Union Club at St. Paul's Church. Edie describes one of the meetings:

We used to go in the evening; Mrs. Cosset used to go there. She was ever so funny, she had just lost her husband at that time, and when we went there one evening, we had a speaker from Harold Wood Church, anyway when we got in he said 'What we are going to talk about is a burial service' You can imagine how we felt as poor old Bet just lost her husband. Talk about depressed! When we went back home, I said to Bet 'come and have a coffee'. Reg made us a coffee and he could not stop laughing when we told him what the talk was about. He said 'You are mad, the pair of you we did not go again. ' J •' '

Faced with this sort of entertainment, the women were very pleased when, one of them, a midwife, started the Friendly Women's Club. The fact that it was a midwife who had firstly organised the dub is significant. A midwife, by virtue of her job, would meet women in their own environment would be faced day by day by the problems of isolation, lack of amenities and by the needs of women on a new estate. She was also in a position to encourage women to me of activities with other women. Advice given by a respected member of the Health Service, would have been accepted more readily by husbands too. Margery Spring Rice m a survey on health of 1,250 married women of poorer families, in 1939 quotes one of the housewives' comments:

I believe myself that one of the biggest difficulties we mothers have is our husbands do not realise we need any leisure time ...it isn't the men are unkind. It is the old idea we should always be at

Eileen M. Byme found similar 'outbursts' were made to her in 1975 by women whe had been rehoused on a council estate in the North. (Byme, 1978).

The Friendly Women's Club

The Friendly Women's Club started in 1952. The meeting were held nearby at the

Old Farm House, where the Community Centre is now.

It was a very old house, we thought it was haunted
- May.

Later the local school hall became became the venue for weekly meetings. A committee was formed and speakers were invited once a month. The club later affiliated with the National Women's Association, in the South-East Essex section:

We used to put on shows, we used to go to either Barking Assembly Room to put them on, there was a whole crowd, the crowd from Romford, Elm Park, Homchurch, South East Essex we were in We used to go barn dancing, it was fun, all women, 400, 500 women and you get a caller there and it was fantastic, it was hilarious wasn't it?
- Edie (to May).

Oh, we never stopped laughing, we went home with wet knickers, it was really lovely! - May.

It is argued by Rosemary Deem that women's voluntary groups, far from being radical in nature, reproduce the status quo. Patriarchal hegemony is not challenged even when membership is denied to men. Voluntary women's groups are not completely free from the dominant ideology as there is a corporate element at their base, in most cases (Walker, Barton,1983). The Friendly Women's Club, by becoming affiliated to a national association, although not directly regulated by the State, became subjected to an outside agency, which determined some of its activities:

In the South East Essex Association, the secretaries met once a year to decide what they wanted through the year and then they would send out a programme so that you knew what you were going to have
-Edie.

Deem argues that this is a form of control and that informal education, induding adult education, which is not regulated by the State, does not necessarily differ much from that which is, while recognising, however, the very important part that women's groups play in offering some space to women, away from the influence of the family, and offering women a chance to share experiences and support each other. The women obviously enjoyed the social side of the club immensely. Being amongst women, free from the constraints that male hegemony puts on their sodal life, they were able to behave in different ways to the expected norm. This is very similar to Rosemary Deem's findings in her research in the Milton Keynes area:

The significance of the groups they (the women) belonged to, lay not in the objectives and content of the meetings themselves, but in the chance to sit somewhere in the warm, away from domestic duties and worries, just talking to their friends and without having to take the supportive or invisible roles women often play in mixed sex conversation
- (Deem, 1986).

Apart from the very important social aspects of the women's club, that ensured some 'space' away from domestic life, offering a chance of escapism from isolation in the home, there was also a certain amount of learning taking place. The Friendly Women's Club had speakers and demonstrators. Edie and May recall some of the sessions, mostly on security by the police, on first-aid by the Red Cross and outings to the Milk Marketing Board or the Margarine Company:

We used to go sometimes to the Milk Marketing Board, and that used to be a laugh, just up Oxford Street, and we had a coach and they would have a show or someone would teach us something, like special cooking. But we really used to go to so many different places, like 'Showboat' or 'Carousel'.

We used to pay so much a week. We went to Purfleet, the margarine people. We liked it when we could get some samples
- Edie.

Although the demonstrations are not described, it is possible to visualise them as a passive learning experience, with the women observing and little practical or intellectual involvement.

One can guess that, however, women talked amongst themselves at these sessions and not necessarily about the subject on offer. 'It was a laugh!' Rosemary Deem describes a similar situation in a Flower Arranging Club, in her study on 'Popular Education for Women', where women express their resistance to this method of teaching, by chatting amongst themselves.

Alan Tough, a Canadian researcher, uses the term 'iceberg' to describe the 'submerged dimension' of the learning that goes on mostly undetected by the 'professional educators' outside the sphere of what is defined as 'education'. According to Tough, up to 80% of an adult's learning efforts is self-planned. The problem with finding out more about self-planning in the community, is that many independent learners are unused to thinking of themselves as such and will find it difficult to reflect on their past learning, or even to identify their activities as any form of planned or purposeful learning. (Brookfield, 1983).

Edie and May recall as learning experiences only the formal demonstrations and the sessions run by speakers. The 'iceberg' effect is recognisable here, where a lot more learning went on underneath the surface, largely undervalued even by the participants themselves. Edie and May recount how they used to put on shows. Sometimes they performed in old people's homes, or for the benefit of the National Women's Association club members. To put on a performance is a very complex task. It requires the development of certain skills. A drama teacher enlightened me on the skills that are needed or that can be acquired while arranging a performance, and these are:

  • Interpersonal skills
  • Organisational skills
  • Co-operative skills
  • Improvisational skills
  • Analytical skills
  • Logistical skills (getting everything together)

I would add that women, in the process of putting on a performance, by women only, would acquire confidence. They would be doing tasks that are normally denied them. They will experience decision making on equal terms. A worthwhile experience is also the working together at a task as against the loneliness of housework, which is carried out by women on their own, being denied the support of colleagues in a work situation. Women show a sense of humour in the choice of sketches which portray some of the situations women can find themselves in, like the ante-natal clinic:

Once I was Mrs Slattery, the posh lady was Mac, there was ten of us at the ante-natal clinic. I had all curlers in my hair, which I never use anyway, a scarf on my head, an old skirt and jumper and an old fashioned pinafore, wrinkled stockings. You had to take a specimen and I had half a bottle of beer. I was sitting there next to Mac and Mac had a dainty cut glass bottle as she was so posh. We had pillows under our dress. I fell over someone's feet!
- Edie.

The members used to write the script themselves but were very modest about the task:

We all mucked in. We were all sold out
- Edie.

I have learnt much from doing this research into women's lives and experiences: women's acceptance of their role, to use Reta's words in describing her mother, 'How gentle she was with acceptance' and the subtle ways in which women expressed their resistance to their subordinate role.

Lastly I would like to end with a quote from one of the girls' essays, which not only shows the maturity of these young women, but shows that 'people matter and it is they who lastly shape a community, not the planners and policymakers:

But I must say this, although Harold Hill was very desolate when we came here, many amusing incidents have occurred, I think that in years to come, Harold Hill and many other housing estates like this, with the help of the people who live there, can become the most beautiful and pleasant housing estate in England, for you must remember that it was the people that lived in London thatmade it what it is now
- Maurine Bacon.

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